George F. Will: There's more, much more, to the Lois Lerner story
WASHINGTON -- As soon as the Constitution permitted him to run for Congress, Al Salvi did. In 1986, just 26 and fresh from the University of Illinois law school, he sank $1,000 of his own money, which was most of his money, into a campaign to unseat an incumbent Democratic congressman. Salvi studied for the bar exam during meals at campaign dinners.
He lost. Today, however, he should be invited to Congress to testify about
what happened 10 years later when as a prosperous lawyer he won the Republican
Senate nomination to run against a Democratic congressman named Dick Durbin.
In the fall of 1996, at the campaign's climax, Democrats filed with the
Federal Elections Commission charges alleging campaign finance violations by
Salvi's campaign. These charges dominated the campaign's closing days. Salvi
spoke by phone with the head of the FEC's Enforcement Division, who he remembers
saying: "Promise me you will never run for office again, and we'll drop this
case." He was speaking to Lois Lerner.
After losing to Durbin, Salvi spent four years and $100,000 fighting the FEC,
on whose behalf FBI agents visited his elderly mother demanding to know,
concerning her $2,000 contribution to her son's campaign, where she got "that
kind of money." When the second of two federal courts held that the charges
against Salvi were spurious, the lawyer arguing for the FEC was Lois Lerner.
More recently, she has been head of the IRS Exempt Organizations Division,
which has used its powers of delay, harassment and extortion to suppress political
participation. For example, it has told an Iowa right-to-life group that it
would get tax exempt status if it would promise not to picket Planned Parenthood
clinics.
Last week, in a televised House Ways and Means Committee hearing, Rep. Peter
Roskam, R-Ill., Salvi's former law partner, told the riveting story of the
partisan enforcement of campaign laws to suppress political competition by
distracting Salvi and entangling him in bureaucratic snares. The next day, the
number of inches of newsprint in The Washington Post and New York Times devoted
to Roskam's revelation was the number of minutes that had been devoted to it on
the three broadcast networks' evening news programs the night before: Zero.
House Republicans should use their committee chairmanships to let Lerner
exercise her right to confront Salvi and her many other accusers. If she were
invited back to Congress to respond concerning Salvi, would she again refuse to
testify by invoking her Fifth Amendment protection against self-incrimination?
There is one way to find out.
Durbin, the second-ranking Senate Democrat who will seek a fourth term next
year, defeated Salvi by 15 points. He probably would have won without the
assistance of Lerner and the campaign "reforms" that produced the mare's nest of
FEC regulations and speech police that lend themselves to abuses like those
Salvi endured. In 2010, Durbin wrote a letter urging Lerner's IRS division to
look closely at a political advocacy group supporting conservatives.
Lerner, it is prudent to assume, is one among thousands like her who infest
the regulatory state. She is not just a bureaucratic bully and a slithering
partisan; she also is a national security problem, because she is contributing
to a comprehensive distrust of government.
The case for the National Security Agency's gathering of metadata is: America
is threatened not by a nation but by a network, dispersed and largely invisible
until made visible by connecting dots. The network cannot help but leave, as we
all do daily, a digital trail of cellphone, credit card and Internet uses. The
dots are in such data; algorithms connect them. The technological gathering of
300 billion bits of data is less menacing than the gathering of 300 by
bureaucrats. Mass gatherings by the executive branch twice receive judicial
scrutiny, once concerning phone and Internet usages, another concerning the
content of messages.
The case against the NSA is: Lois Lerner and others of her ilk.
Government requires trust. Government by progressives, however, demands such
inordinate amounts of trust that the demand itself should provoke distrust.
Progressivism can be distilled into two words: "Trust us." The antecedent of the
pronoun is: The wise, disinterested experts through whom the vast powers of the
regulatory state's executive branch will deliver progress for our own good, as
the executive branch understands this, whether or not we understand it. Lois
Lerner is the scowling face of this state, which has earned Americans' distrust.
http://www.twincities.com/opinion/ci_23445937/george-f-will-theres-more-much-more-lois
http://www.twincities.com/opinion/ci_23445937/george-f-will-theres-more-much-more-lois
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