Strassel: Conservatives Became Targets in 2008
The Obama campaign played a big role in a liberal onslaught that far pre-dated Citizens United.
The White House insists President Obama is "outraged" by the "inappropriate" targeting and harassment of conservative groups. If true, it's a remarkable turnaround for a man who helped pioneer those tactics.
On Aug. 21, 2008, the conservative American Issues
Project ran an ad highlighting ties between candidate Obama and Bill Ayers,
formerly of the Weather Underground. The Obama campaign and supporters were
furious, and they pressured TV stations to pull the ad—a common-enough tactic in
such ad spats.
What came next was not common. Bob Bauer, general
counsel for the campaign (and later general counsel for the White House), on the
same day wrote to the criminal division of the Justice Department, demanding an
investigation into AIP, "its officers and directors," and its "anonymous
donors." Mr. Bauer claimed that the nonprofit, as a 501(c)(4), was committing a
"knowing and willful violation" of election law, and wanted "action to enforce
against criminal violations."
AIP gave Justice a full explanation as to why it was not
in violation. It said that it operated exactly as liberal groups like Naral
Pro-Choice did. It noted that it had disclosed its donor, Texas businessman
Harold Simmons. Mr. Bauer's response was a second letter to Justice calling for
the prosecution of Mr. Simmons. He sent a third letter on Sept. 8, again
smearing the "sham" AIP's "illegal electoral purpose."
Also on Sept. 8, Mr. Bauer complained to the Federal
Election Commission about AIP and Mr. Simmons. He demanded that AIP turn over
certain tax documents to his campaign (his right under IRS law), then sent a
letter to AIP further hounding it for confidential information (to which he had
no legal right).
The Bauer onslaught was a big part of a new liberal
strategy to thwart the rise of conservative groups. In early August 2008, the
New York Times trumpeted the creation of a left-wing group (a 501(c)4) called
Accountable America. Founded by Obama supporter and liberal activist Tom
Mattzie, the group—as the story explained—would start by sending "warning"
letters to 10,000 GOP donors, "hoping to create a chilling effect that will dry
up contributions." The letters would alert "right-wing groups to a variety of
potential dangers, including legal trouble, public exposure and watchdog groups
digging through their lives." As Mr. Mattzie told Mother Jones: "We're going to
put them at risk."
The Bauer letters were the Obama campaign's high-profile
contribution to this effort—though earlier, in the spring of 2008, Mr. Bauer
filed a complaint with the FEC against the American Leadership Project, a group
backing Hillary Clinton in the primary. "There's going to be a reckoning here,"
he had warned publicly. "It's going to be rough—it's going to be rough on the
officers, it's going to be rough on the employees, it's going to be rough on the
donors. . . Whether it's at the FEC or in a broader criminal inquiry, those
donors will be asked questions." The campaign similarly attacked a group
supporting John Edwards.
American Leadership head (and Democrat) Jason Kinney
would rail that Mr. Bauer had gone from "credible legal authority" to "political
hatchet man"—but the damage was done. As Politico reported in August 2008, Mr.
Bauer's words had "the effect of scaring [Clinton and Edwards] donors and
consultants," even if they hadn't yet "result[ed] in any prosecution."
As general counsel to the Obama re-election campaign,
Mr. Bauer used the same tactics on pro-Romney groups. The Obama campaign
targeted private citizens who had donated to Romney groups. Democratic senators
demanded that the IRS investigate these organizations.
None of this proves that Mr. Obama was involved in the
IRS targeting of conservative nonprofits. But it does help explain how we got an
environment in which the IRS thought this was acceptable.
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The rise of conservative organizations (to match liberal
groups that had long played in politics), and their effectiveness in the 2004
election (derided broadly by liberals as "swift boating"), led to a new and
organized campaign in 2008 to chill conservative donors and groups via the
threat of government investigation and prosecution. The tone in any
organization—a charity, a corporation, the U.S. government—is set at the top.
This history also casts light on White House claims that
it was clueless about the IRS's targeting. As Huffington Post's Howard Fineman
wrote this week: "With two winning presidential campaigns built on successful
grassroots fundraising, with a former White House counsel (in 2010-11) who is
one of the Democrats' leading experts on campaign law (Bob Bauer), with former
top campaign officials having been ensconced as staffers in the White House . .
. it's hard to imagine that the Obama inner circle was oblivious to the issue of
what the IRS was doing in Cincinnati." More like inconceivable.
And this history exposes the left's hollow claim that
the IRS mess rests on Citizens United. The left was targeting
conservative groups and donors well before the Supreme Court's 2010 ruling on
independent political expenditures by corporations.
If the country wants to get to the bottom of the IRS
scandal, it must first remember the context for this abuse. That context leads
to this White House.
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