THE WAY I SEE IT
by Don Polson Red
Bluff Daily News 8/04/2015
Texas model; cutting jobless checks
Some things are a little obscure, a little complex
with a lot of moving parts, when it comes to the economic and employment
picture. For instance, we hear that there were x number of jobs created in a
period of time; for those paying attention to the details, usually buried in an
article, there’s typically a revision to previously reported figures. I recall
seeing, along with a recent report, that previous months’ job gains were
reduced by 60,000. Moreover, the revisions always reduce the reported gains
rather than increase them. Why would that be?
Another shortcoming to the superficial reports of the
macro-number of job gains is that it takes special ability to analyze Bureau of
Labor Standards (BLS) data and ferret out important details. Details can shed
light on whether job gains were equally distributed or were perhaps selectively
created in some states or areas instead of others. For instance, Texas, one of
the left’s favorite objects-of-hate for more reasons than space allows, created
so many jobs that Jason Russell titled a December 2014 article, “Texas job
growth outpaces rest of U.S. combined; the economic miracle in Texas continues.”
“Since the recession began in December 2007, 1.2
million net jobs have been created in Texas. Only 700,000 net jobs have been
created in the other 49 states combined…Total non-farm employment has grown by
11.5 percent in Texas since December 2007. Employment in the rest of the United
States has grown only 0.6 percent. Until September 2014, total employment
growth in the rest of the United States since December 2007 was still
negative.”
North Dakota, with its fracking boom (natural gas
extraction opposed by Dems), actually exceeded Texas in jobs percentage
increase although its size limited the number. How did our fair state of
California stack up? With an underwhelming 1.5 percent job growth, California
trails Texas by ten percent, as of last December.
What is Texas doing right? First, they have no
personal or corporate income tax, which are disincentives to work and business
activity—keeping more of your own earnings has a remarkable correlation to
wanting to earn more. Even with its “gross receipts” tax, the Tax Foundation’s
2015 State Business Tax Climate Index says “Texas has the tenth best business
tax climate in the U.S.”
They do have an maximum 8.15 percent sales tax, the 11th
highest in the nation, but the Tax Foundation ranks the Texas average combined
state and local rate of 8.05 percent at #12 while California’s 8.44 percent is
ranked at the 8th highest in the nation. So, with California’s
higher income, corporate and sales taxes, is it surprising that companies flee
California for Texas or other lower tax states? That doesn’t even touch on the
regulatory burden in California. Businesses, not government, create jobs; taxes
kill, rather than create, jobs.
In addition to lower minimum wage laws and workers
compensation regulations, Texas, as a right-to-work state, is “the freest labor
market in the country,” according to the Mercatus Center. “All these factors
explain why Texas was ranked number one in economic performance in 2014 by the
American Legislative Exchange Council.”
Bear in mind, also, that liberal anathema is reserved
for any state that does not conform to their doctrinaire
high-tax-and-regulation, big government, strong public employee unions, public
school monopoly and anti-resource extraction policies. They cherry-pick things
that reinforce their jaded concept that unless a state follows the “blue state
model,” they can’t possibly have real economic accomplishments or low
unemployment. Au contraire!
This irrational aversion by liberal, nanny-state
partisans also extends to a rabid resistance to accepting that government programs
designed to help workers can undermine employment by enabling unemployment as a
viable lifestyle. They’re incapable of acknowledging how reducing such programs
can create a positive employment transition.
It turns out that 2014 provided a real-world
experiment in the impact and results of ending an unemployment benefit. In
“Study: 2014’s Employment Boom Almost Entirely Due to the Expiration of
Unemployment Benefits Obama Wanted to Renew” (January 25), Patrick Brennan
provides insightful analysis. Isn’t it an article of faith that nothing can be
better for workers and our economy than paying people not to work? I recall
Nancy Pelosi saying so.
In what has been an undeniably weak jobs recovery
(ref: previous columns), 2014 stood out for being a year of improvement.
Emperor Obama misses no chance to talk and talk and credit his policies, with
no real justification—just positing and asserting his spin.
“But what if 2014’s jobs boom is mostly thanks to the
expiration of a program that the Obama administration and Democrats fervently
pushed to renew? That’s the finding of a new NBER (National Bureau of Economic
Research) working paper from three economists—Marcus Hagedorn, Kurt Mitman, and
Iourii Manovskii—who contend that the ending of federally extended unemployment
benefits across the country at the end of 2013 explains much of the
labor-market boom in 2014.”
Look it up by title for the explanations, the caveats
and charts. Know this however: Democrats have, in knee-jerk fashion, for the
duration of the recession and recovery, wailed at and decried any effort to cut
back on extended unemployment. That expiration, beginning in 2014, also brought
most state programs back to the traditional 26-week initial period. It’s pretty
plain to see that more unemployed found jobs and more employers did some
hiring. Case closed.
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