THE WAY I SEE IT by Don Polson Red Bluff Daily
News 9/19/2017
Peaceful villages; rocket-free cities
The Lewis Sorley book, "A Better
War; The unexamined victories and final tragedy of America's last years in
Vietnam," was published in 1999, over 30 years after the start of the
period he writes about, and nearly 25 years after the ignominy of Saigon's fall
to communist North Vietnam. I acquired the book in 2016 for summer reading but
didn't get around to it until this summer. If you've been following the
summaries in past columns, you should have gleaned some hitherto
"unexamined" and mostly unacknowledged realities, and
"victories," of that war.
They were well sourced and documented
in 56 pages of foot notes. In "A Note on the Notes," Sorley wrote:
"The documentary record of the later years of the Vietnam War is very
rich. This volume draws, for example, on some 455 previously unexploited tape
recordings, running in the aggregate to thousands of hours, made at MACV
(Military Assistance Command, Vietnam) Headquarters during the years 1968-1972.
The oral histories of many of the senior American officers involved in
prosecution of the war are extensive, as are the papers of some of those
officers."
We now have a PBS series by Ken
Burns, "The Vietnam War," with 18 hours over 10 episodes of his
perspective on that war. I will be watching it so that I can provide some
"fact checking" on his work. I am not prejudging it, as it begins
with a look at the history of the French colonial era and the overthrow of the
French by "Vietnamese revolutionaries led by Ho Chi Minh." Will he
elevate the anti-war element? Will he provide honest accounts of the
"victories"?
The Lam Son 719 operation, February
and March of 1971, saw the South Vietnamese military conduct a massive
incursion into Laos for the essential purpose of destroying war supplies
stockpiled by the North, and preemptively inflicting damage and death to NVA
military poised to attack the South. It drew some intense, but overblown,
criticism of ARVN (Army of the Republic of Vietnam) conduct and effectiveness.
Indeed, post operation analysis found numerous weaknesses and problems with the
officers and some units. American air support, meaning helicopters and bombing
that augmented our ally's ground fighting, performed admirably.
However, ARVN weaknesses were seized
on by war opponents in the media and political circles to undermine the
otherwise relatively smooth and successful "Vietnamization" of the
South's defense of their nation. Many heroic and militarily effective aspects of
the ARVN part of the operation were diminished and dismissed in the piling-on
that reached even into the Nixon White House and Brig. Gen. Alexander Haig.
Haig himself later revised his criticism to acknowledge the positive aspects of
Lam Son 719, which prevented an attack by the North.
Weighed against the criticism was the
tally of how "The North Vietnamese suffered terribly in Lam Son 719."
They lost half of the maneuver battalions, almost one third of the "10,000
to 12,000 rear service personnel that operating in the area...that's a complete
loss of those battalions...at least 75 of some 110 enemy tanks were
destroyed...Up to 20,000 enemy killed in action, along with 5,000 individual
weapons, nearly 2,000 crew-served weapons, more than a hundred tanks, and large
quantities of ammunition and rice."
Beyond the military accomplishments,
the effect of that surprising and audacious cross-border attack reverberated to
the detriment of North Vietnam in several ways. A report from MACV stated that
"the North Vietnamese were both surprised and hurt by the Lam Son
operation...they had lost heavily in personnel, particularly good reserve units
which were chewed up...(and) lost heavily in weapons and supplies...They
suffered a political loss at home because they could not hide their significant
military losses.
"Lam Son 719 had a devastating
effect upon the morale of the NVA (North Vietnamese Army) and of the civilian
population of North Vietnam...The destruction of nearly two North Vietnamese
divisions, and increased defections during the same period, caused the morale
of all but the NVA officer corps to disintegrate." It effectively
prevented any further large scale attacks for the rest of the year. It was by
then an illusion that the Vietnam War was anything other than the attempted
subjugation of one nation by another; no popular uprising existed in the South.
Moreover, polling of the South's
people found that a stunning "92 percent favored the operation, and only 3
percent opposed it. Those in favor represented the highest percentage ever
recorded on any question on any of these periodic surveys. It was an informed
opinion, thought (Gen. Creighton) Abrams, because the results of the operation
were on the radio every hour and on television every night." Indeed, Haig,
Kissinger and others revised their opinions favorably.
Illustrating the relative success,
the widespread peace and security that prevailed in 1971, William Colby (CIA
Saigon station chief) and John Paul Vann (senior civilian military adviser)
traveled across the Delta on a couple of motorcycles, without armed escort.
They expressed great satisfaction with the pacification program; Vann: "I
feel so strongly about the way this thing is working and the way we're running
it..."
"Meanwhile, in the capital, for
so long a place of rocket attacks and terrorist atrocities, Sir Robert Thompson
(British military and counter-insurgency expert) could express the 'conviction
that Saigon was a safer place in which to live and walk around both by day and
night than most American cities.'"
Journalist Tom Barnes returned in
Autumn 1971 (absent for 3 years); "he was struck by...the rural
prosperity, the way the Territorial Forces had taken hold, and the growing
political and economic autonomy of the villages." Next: elections; drug
and racial tensions in our troops.
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